William Seward Even if every Republican in the House votes yes, far from guaranteed, since when has our party unanimously supported anything? But say all our fellow Republicans vote for it, we'd still be twenty votes short.
Only twenty? We can find twenty votes.
William Seward Twenty House Democrats who will vote to abolish slavery? In my opinion...
To which I always listen.
William Seward Or pretend to.
With all three of my ears.
William Seward We'll win the war, sir. It's inevitable, isn't it?
William Seward You'll begin your second term, with semi-divine stature. Imagine the possibilities peace will bring. Why tarnish your invaluable luster with a battle in the House? It's a rats' nest in there. The same gang of talentless hicks and hacks who rejected the amendment ten months ago; we'll lose.
Thunder forth, God of War.
We'll commence our assault on Wilmington from the sea... Why is is this burned? Was the boy playing with it?
It got took by a breeze several nights back.
This is an official War Department map!
William Seward And the enire cabinet's waiting to hear what it portends.
GW Gideon Welles
A bombardment. From the largest fleet the Navy's ever assembled.
Old Neptune, shake thy hoary locks.
GW Gideon Welles
Fifty-eight ships are underway, of every tonnage and firing range.
We'll keep up a steady barrage. Our first target is Fort Fisher. It defends Wilmington port.
A hundred shells a minute. Till they surrender.
WF William Fessenden
Dear God.
Wilmington's their last open seaport. Therefore...
Wilmington falls, Richmond falls after.
William Seward And the war... is done.
JU John Usher
Then why, if I may ask are we not concentrating the nation's attention on Wilmington? Why, instead, are we reading in the Herald that the anti-slavery amendment is being precipitated on the House floor for debate—because your eagerness, in what seems an unwarranted intrusion of the Executive into Legislative prerogatives, is compelling it to its... to what's likely to be it's premature demise? You signed the Emancipation Proclamation, you've done all that can be expected—
The Emancipation Proclamation's merely a war measure. After the war the courts will make a meal out of it.
JU John Usher
When Edward Bates was Attorney General, he felt confident in it enough to allow you to sign—
Different lawyers, different opinions. It frees slaves as a military exigent, not in any other—
I don't recall Bates being any too certain about the legality of my Proclamation, just it wasn't downright criminal. Somewhere's in in between. Back when I rode the legal circuit in Illinois, I defended a woman from Metamora named Melissa Goings, 77 years-old. They said she murdered her husband, he was 83. He was choking her and she grabbed a-hold of a stick of firewood and fractured his skull and he died. In his will he wrote: 'I suspect she has killed me. If I get over it, I will have revenge.' No one was keen to see her convicted, he was that kind of husband. I asked the prosecuting attorney if I might have a short conference with my client. And she and I went into a room in the courthouse, but I alone emerged. The window in the room was found to be wide open. It was believed the old lady may have climbed out of it. I told the bailiff right before. I left her in the room she asked me where she could get a good drink of water, and I told her Tennessee. Mrs. Goings was seen no more in Metamora. Enough justice had been done; they even forgave the bondsman her bail.
JU John Usher
I'm afraid I don't see—
I decided that the Constitution gives me war powers, but no one knows just exactly what those powers are. Some say they don't exist. I don't know. I decided I needed them to exist to uphold my oath to protect the Constitution, which I decided meant that I could take the rebel's slaves from them as property confiscated in war. That might recommend to suspicion that I agree with the Rebs that their slaves are property in the first place. Of course I don't, never have, I'm glad to see any man free, and if calling a man property, or war contraband, does the trick... Why I caught at the opportunity. Now here's where it gets truly slippery. I use the law allowing for the seizure of property in a war knowing it applies only to the property of governments and citizens of belligerent nations. But the South ain't a nation, that's why I can't negotiate with'em. If in fact the Negroes are property according to law, have I the right to take the rebels' property from 'em, if I insist they're rebels only, and not citizens of a belligerent country? And slipperier still: I maintain it ain't our actual Southern states in rebellion but only the rebels living in those states, the laws of which states remain in force. The laws of which states remain in force. That means, that since it's states' laws that determine whether Negroes can be sold as slaves, as property - the Federal government doesn't have a say in that, least not yet then Negroes in those states are slaves, hence property, hence my war powers allow me to confiscate'em as such. So I confiscated 'em. But if I'm a respecter of states' laws, how then can I legally free 'em with my Proclamation, as I done, unless I'm cancelling states' laws? I felt the war demanded it; my oath demanded it; I felt right with myself; and I hoped it was legal to do it, I'm hoping still. Two years ago I proclaimed these people emancipated - "then, hence forward and forever free." But let's say the courts decide I had no authority to do it. They might well decide that. Say there's no amendment abolishing slavery. Say it's after the war, and I can no longer use my war powers to just ignore the courts' decisions, like I sometimes felt I had to do. Might those people I freed be ordered back into slavery? That's why I'd like to get the Thirteenth Amendment through the House, and on its way to ratification by the states, wrap the whole slavery thing up, forever and aye. As soon as I'm able. Now. End of this month. And I'd like you to stand behind me. Like my cabinet's most always done. As the preacher once said, I could write shorter sermons but once I start I get too lazy to stop.
JU John Usher
It seems to me, sir, you're describing precisely the sort of dictator the Democrats have been howling about.
Dictators aren't susceptible to law.
JU John Usher
Neither is he! He just said as much! Ignoring the courts? Twisting meanings? What reins him in from, from...
Well, the people do that, I suppose. I signed the Emancipation Proclamation a year and a half before my second election. I felt I was within my power to do it; however I felt that I might be wrong to do it; I knew the people would tell me. I gave 'em a year and a half to think about it. And they re-elected me. And come February the first, I intend to sign the Thirteenth Amendment.
Well, Mr. Representative Ashley! Tell us the news from the Hill.
Why for instance is this thus, and what is the reason for this thusness?
William Seward James, we want you to bring the anti-slavery amendment to the floor for debate...
William Seward ...immediately, and... you are the amendment's manager, are you not?
I am, of course, but... immediately?
William Seward And we're counting on robust radical support, so tell Mr. Stevens we expect him to put his back into it, it's not going to be easy, but we trust...
It's impossible. No, I am sorry, no, we can't organize anything immediately in the House. I have been canvassing the Democrats since the election, in case any of them softened after they got walloped. But they have stiffened if anything, Mr. Secretary. There aren't nearly enough votes—
We're whalers, Mr. Ashley!
Whalers? As in, uh, whales?
We've been chasing this whale for a long time. We've finally placed a harpoon in the monster's back. It's in, James, it's in! We finish the deed now, we can't wait! Or with one flop of his tail, [slaps Ashley's shoulder] he'll smash the boat and send us all to eternity!
William Seward On the 31st of this month, of this year, put the amendment up for a vote.
William Seward Why wasn't I consulted?! I'm Secretary of State! You, you, you informally send a reactionary dotard, to— What will happen, when these peace commissioners arrive?
William Seward Oh, splendid! And next the Democrats will invite them up to hearings on the Hill, and the newspapers — well, the newspapers — the newspapers will ask why risk enraging the Confederacy over the issue of slavery when they're here to make peace? We'll lose every Democrat we've got, more than likely conservative Republicans will join them, and all our work, all our preparing the ground for the vote, laid waste, naught for naught.
The Blairs have promised support for the amendment if we listen to these people—
William Seward Oh, the Blairs promise, do they? You think they'll keep their promise once we have heard these delegates and refused them? Which we will have to do, since their proposal most certainly will be predicated on keeping their slaves!
What hope for any Democratic votes, William, if word gets out that I've refused a chance to end the war? You think word won't get out? In Washington?
William Seward It's either the amendment or this Confederate peace, you cannot have both.
"If you can look into the seeds of time, and say which grain will grow and which will not, speak then to me..."
William Seward Oh, disaster. This is a disaster.
Time is a great thickener of things, William.
William Seward Yes, I suppose it is — Actually, I have no idea what you mean by that.
Get me thirteen votes. [in thick Kentucky accent] Them fellers from Richmond ain't here yet.
PB Preston Blair
We've managed our members to a fare-thee-well, you've had no defections from the Republican right to trouble you, whereas to what you promised— where the hell are the commissioners?!
Oh my God, it's true. You... you lied to me, Mr. Lincoln! You evaded my requests for a denial that, that there is a Confederate peace offer because, because there is one! We are absolutely guaranteed to lose the whole thing and we'll be discredited, the amendment itself will be tainted. What if, what if these peace commissioners appear today? Or worse, on the morning—
MB Montgomery Blair
We don't need a goddamned abolition amendment! Leave the Constitution alone! State by state you can extirpate—
[pounds his hand on the table, silencing them both]
I can't listen to this anymore. I can't accomplish a goddamn thing of any human meaning or worth until we cure ourselves of slavery and end this pestilential war, and whether any of you or anyone else knows it, I know I need this! This amendment is that cure! We're stepped out upon the world stage now, now, with the fate of human dignity in our hands. Blood's been spilled to afford us this moment! Now! Now! Now! And you grouse so and heckle and dodge about like pettifogging Tammany Hall hucksters! See what is before you! See the here and now! That's the hardest thing, the only thing that accounts! Abolishing slavery by constitutional provision settles the fate for all coming time. Not only of the millions now in bondage, but of unborn millions to come. Two votes stand in its way. These votes must be procured!
William Seward We need two yeses. Three abstentions. Four yeses and one more abstention and the amendment will pass.
You've got a night and a day and a night and several perfectly good hours! Now get the hell out of here and get them!
Buzzard's guts, man. I am the President of the United States of America, clothed in immense power! You will procure me these votes.
AS Alexander Stephens
Let me be blunt. Will the Southern states resume their former position in the Union speedily enough to enable us to to enable us to block ratification of this here Thirteenth Amendment?
I'd like peace immediately.
AS Alexander Stephens
Yes, and...?
I'd like your states restored to their practical relations immediately.
AS Alexander Stephens
If this could be given me in writing, as Vice President of the Confederacy, I'd bring that document with celerity to Jefferson Davis.
William Seward Surrender and we can discuss reconstruction.
AS Alexander Stephens
Surrender won't be thought of unless you've assured us, in writing, that we'll be readmitted in time to block this amendment.
RH Robert Hunter
This is the arrogant demand of a conqueror for a humiliating, abject—
William Seward You'll not be conquered people, Mr. Hunter. You will be citizens, returned to the laws and the guarantees of rights of the Constitution.
AS Alexander Stephens
Which now extinguishes slavery. And with it our economy. All our laws will be determined by a Congress of vengeful Yankees, all our rights will be subject to a Supreme Court benched by bloody Republican radicals. All our traditions will be obliterated. We won't know ourselves anymore.
We ain't here to discuss reconstruction, we have no legal basis for that discussion. But I don't want to deal falsely. The Northern states will ratify, most of 'em. As I figure, it remains for two of the Southern states to do the same, even after all are readmitted. And I've been working on that.
AS Alexander Stephens
[grudgingly nodding]
Tennessee and Louisiana.
Arkansas, too, most likely. It'll be ratified. Slavery, sir, it's done. [Hunter silently stands and leaves the room] If we submit ourselves to law, Alex, even submit to losing freedoms—the freedom to oppress, for instance—we may discover other freedoms previously unknown to us. Had you kept faith with democratic process, as frustrating as that can be—
JC John Campbell
Come, sir, spare us at least these pieties. Did you defeat us with ballots?
AS Alexander Stephens
How have you held your union together? Through democracy? How many hundreds of thousands have died during your administration? Your Union, sir, is bonded in cannon fire and death.
It may be you're right. But say all we done is show the world that democracy isn't chaos, that there is a great, invisible strength in a people's union? Say we've shown that a people can endure awful sacrifice and yet cohere? Mightn't that save at least the idea of democracy, to aspire to? Eventually to become worthy of? At all rates, whatever may be proven by blood and sacrifice must've been proved by now! Shall we stop this bleeding?
